Political systems seek to bring about improvement in people's lives; but politics in Haiti has only made the Haitians' lives worse. The notion that politics has failed the Haitian people is explored in this in-depth and balanced analysis of Haiti covering the government, economics, history, external relations, social structures, and future possibilities. The Haitian people have significant self-respect gained from independence in 1804 and sustained by widespread ownership of the land. While other books portray Haiti as a passive victim of U.S./capitalist manipulations, this book identifies the causes of widespread poverty and political instability as the result of multiple external and internal factors centered in the elite-mass relationship, with the resourcefulness of the people blocked by greedy governments. While the authors agree that we have made some mistakes in our relationship with Haiti, they do not blame the United States for Haiti's worst political failure, the Duvalierist system. The authors conclude that if the new government of President Aristide keeps its promises, Haiti can improve. Essential to Haiti's recovery are closer ties to the Caribbean and to the EEC, along with a continuing relationship with the United States.
In showing readers the broad historical and cultural patterns in Haiti, the authors contend that while Haiti may seem to be hopeless, its situation economically and politically can be improved. The portrait of the Haitian people is one of self-reliance and creativity, a people eager for free enterprise. Since 1986, Haiti has encountered a favorable external context with the prospect of help from Europe and North America. The Duvalier regime grew out of Haitian realities, and with the help of external relations, the new government may be able to change those realities that still haunt the nation. Scholars and journalists interested in Latin American and Caribbean development, and students of comparative politics and third world countries, will find this study essential reading.
Holbrook , Allyson L. , Jon A. Krosnick , Penny S. Visser , Wendi L. Gardner , and John T. Cacioppo . “ Attitudes towards Presidential Candidates and Political Parties : Initial Optimism , Inertial First Impressions , and a Focus on ...
There is no other print source, online source, or web search engine that provides the wide range and depth of insight found in Vital Statistics on American Politics. This new...
This book develops an approach to international political economy that focuses on culture.
至於其他國家,拉伯之春到現在已經四年了,在短期內受到革命影響的國家似乎不可能成立自由對抗格達費之後仍然一片混亂,因為中央並不是取代軍政府的革命,只是讓軍政府策略性撤退而已。另外,利比亞在軍事當時不只血腥鎮壓伊斯蘭團體,也對自由派評論家下手。
Writers of all ages and identities showed up. Seven workshops turned into ten workshops plus a permanent Facebook group of a few hundred writers. And now this book: 2020: THE YEAR THAT CHANGED AMERICA.
... Rasmussen ( SD ) Anders Fogh Rasmussen ( Agr.Lib ) Table C.2 Finnish Governments since World War I Year Party. Year Party Composition 1913-16 1916-18 1918-20 1920 1920-24 1924-26 1926-29 1929-40 1940-43 Radical Liberal National ...
Conditions began to improve under Nagy . But in the Kremlin , Khrushchev , the head of the Party , prevailed over Malenkov , head of the state administration . Consequently , in Hungary , Rakosi managed to oust Nagy from the government ...
MECKLENBURGWEST POMERANIA BRANDENBURG BERLIN Potsdam Dresden Leipzig SAXONY. SCHLESWIG - HOLSTEIN Kiel Rostock Lubeck A • Schwerin Hamburg Bremerhaven Oldenburg BREMEN LOWER SAXONY Osnabrück Wolfsburg Braunschweig SAXONYANHALT Münster ...
While some leaders are more prominent in these groups than others , the crucial point is that they are unable to enforce discipline , as is demonstrated by the failure of the Monday Club to expel Geoffry Rippon even though as a member ...
本书的文章是我最近为更好地了解中国而做的努力的结果,我想告诉西方读者,如果要成功地管理与中国的关系,我们需要了解些什么。许多美国人只根据自己的世界观看待中国,以至于无法理解是什么真正驱动了中国在世界上的国家行为。我试图用“中国眼”的视角,即由内而外来看中国。其中一些文章表达了我对中国政治动态的理解。其他文章试图向美国读者解释为什么推动对中国的外交政策。第三组文章涉及美国的对华政策,试图分析该政策的实际内容和原因,并提出一些政策建议,尤其是关于人权问题的建议。我也对西方认为中国政府制度优于民主制度的观点提出批评。将这些文章放在讲中文的读者面前,对我来说是一个接触新受众的绝好机会。中西方之间的对话从来都不够,如今的对话比后毛泽东时期的任何时候都更加受限。无论我的观点是对还是错,我希望这本书的出版将成为持续对话的一个步骤,有助于增进双方的理解。—— 黎安友