Why did ordinary Germans vote for Hitler? In this dramatically plotted book, organized around crucial turning points in 1914, 1918, and 1933, Peter Fritzsche explains why the Nazis were so popular and what was behind the political choice made by the German people.
Rejecting the view that Germans voted for the Nazis simply because they hated the Jews, or had been humiliated in World War I, or had been ruined by the Great Depression, Fritzsche makes the controversial argument that Nazism was part of a larger process of democratization and political invigoration that began with the outbreak of World War I.
The twenty-year period beginning in 1914 was characterized by the steady advance of a broad populist revolution that was animated by war, drew strength from the Revolution of 1918, menaced the Weimar Republic, and finally culminated in the rise of the Nazis. Better than anyone else, the Nazis twisted together ideas from the political Left and Right, crossing nationalism with social reform, anti-Semitism with democracy, fear of the future with hope for a new beginning. This radical rebelliousness destroyed old authoritarian structures as much as it attacked liberal principles.
The outcome of this dramatic social revolution was a surprisingly popular regime that drew on public support to realize its horrible racial goals. Within a generation, Germans had grown increasingly self-reliant and sovereign, while intensely nationalistic and chauvinistic. They had recast the nation, but put it on the road to war and genocide.
German Revolutionists of 1848: Surnames A through F
259; Neal, pp. 159-60; Davis (New York), p. 263; Voss, p. 280; Urofsky, p. 247. FDR biographer Kenneth S. Davis concluded that Roosevelt had not only attacked Wise and Holmes “on grounds palpably sophistic but also ...
35 32 The text was apparently known to Jacob ha - Kohen , the first known Kabbalist in Castile ( Soria ) , in his Commentary to ... of R. Zarfati on the Book Ma'arekhet ha - Elohuť , master's thesis , The Hebrew University , 1987 , p .
. . The whole book is a superb piece of work, highly recommended.”—Destructive Music “Particularly atmospheric . . . This is an unusual and welcome selection of illustrations.”—Military Illustrated
科尔的说法显示了德国存在的一种无辜感,各种政治团体和政治学家试图用它来定义新近出现的德国的自我价值观。 阿道夫·穆斯克的意图是检验这些德国新人的教育情况。他以对十九岁的斯特凡妮的采访为起点,尤其注意她对学校中种种事情的叙述,以及她的老师对第 ...
Plöckinger, Geschichte, 33, footnote to Paula Schlier, Petras Aufzeichnungen, (Innsbruck: Brenner-Verlag, 1926), 136. Hemmrich, “Adolf Hitler,” 16. Facsimile of letter in Toland, Adolf Hitler, 224–25. Hess, Briefe, 332.
注487 赵:《论共同犯“思联络”的观预备性》,载《武汉大学学报(哲学科学)》2007年 6期。注488 〔苏联〕伊宁:《犯构成的一学说》,秉忠等译,中国人大学 1958年, 234页。注489 张旭主编:《英美刑论要》,清华大学 2006 年, 121—122页。
This book explores the connection between beer, culture, and politics in Munich to examine the crucial role the city has played in the development of modern Germany over the last thousand years.
358—3 59. 75. Litvinov (Geneva) to Narkomindel, Sept. 15, 193 8, DIMS, pp. 213—214. 76. Fierlinger to Czech foreign ministry, Sept. 19, 1 9 3 8, DIMS, p. 236. 77. Coulondre, nos. 694—696, Sept. 17, 193 8, DDF, 2°, XI, 278-279. 78.
Between 1950 and 1955, thousands of veterans from the notorious German-led, Ukrainian 14th Waffen-SS Galicia Division emigrated to North America with the full consent of the governments despite immigration regulations...