IN THE EARLY twentieth century, the Upper Texas Gulf Coast was one of the fastest-growing industrial areas in the country. The cotton trade had attracted railroad and ship labor to the banks of the Gulf of Mexico, numerous oil refineries sprouted up in response to the Spindletop gusher of 1901, and the shipbuilding and steel trades were also prospering as a result of the oil boom. Such economic promise attracted thousands of black laborers from across the South who hoped to find a good job and a better life. They were instead kept in low-wage jobs, refused union memberships, and restricted in their mobility.
Black Unionism in the Industrial South presents the struggles of black workers who fought for equality and unionization in the heyday of Gulf Coast industry. Ernest Obadele-Starks examines the workers' responses to racial and class domination and their creative strategies to reach their goals. Facing public and corporate policies that typically deferred to white workers, blacks banded together to achieve representation in the workplace, form union auxiliaries, charter their own local unions, seal alliances with members of the black middle class, and manipulate the media to benefit their cause.
Although workers supported each other and their cause, activists did debate the best course of action, whether to attempt to penetrate the white-dominated unions, create new black unions, or seek new employment with sympathetic members of the black middle class. All of these tools were eventually used to mobilize the workforce and to earn recognition for the contribution black laborers made to industry and the community.
Obadele-Starks eloquently captures these workers' fight anddiscusses the implications of their struggle on the industrial society of the Upper Texas Gulf Coast today. Students and scholars of American labor history, race relations, and Texas history will find Black Unionism in the Industrial South a valuable and compelling scholarly work.
As I wrote in a recent tribute to Justice Marshall: There appears to be a deliberate retrenchment by a majority of the current Supreme Court on many basic issues of human rights that Thurgood Marshall advocated and that the Warren and ...
Behind the Scenes. by Elizabeth Keckley. Or, Thirty Years a Slave, and Four Years in the White House.
Supreme Court Justices ( continued ) Name * Years on Court Appointing President John Marshall Harlan William J. Brennan , Jr. Charles E. Whittaker Potter Stewart Byron R. White Arthur J. Goldberg Abe Fortas Thurgood Marshall WARREN E.
See George D. Terry , “ A Study of the Impact of the French Revolution and the Insurrections in Saint - Domingue ... iiin , 65n , 66n ; John D. Duncan , “ Servitude and Slavery in Colonial South Carolina , 1670–1776 " ( Ph.D. diss .
Give Us Each Day: The Diary
... George W. 318 Neal , Lonnie G. 126 , 312 Nickerson , William J. 11 Nokes , Clarence 121 Page , Lionel F. 356 ... Wanda Anne A. 150 Small , Isadore , III 135 Smart , Brinay 106 Smith , Jonathan S. , II 312 Smith , Morris Leslie 312 ...
The latter, Morgan argues, brought more autonomy to slaves and created conditions by which they could carve out an African ... Holton, Woody. Forced Founders: Indians, Debtors, and Slaves and the Making of the American Revolution.
... Eric Foner, Ella Laffey, John Laffey, Sidney W. Mintz, Brenda Meehan-Waters, Jesse T. Moore, Willie Lee Rose, John F. Szwed, Bennett H. Wall, Michael Wallace, John Waters, Jonathan Weiner, Peter H. Wood, and Harold D. Woodman.
My interaction with the Reagan staff was not close or constant , but I was always left with the tacit feeling that , using Vickers ' yellow highlighted check - off list as a gauge to measure political importance , most everyone on the ...
According to Phillips (1966), beef and mutton were not plentiful because of poor grazing pastures. ... Examples of references to beef from the narratives include Hattie Douglas (AR), who spoke of preparing an entire cow and preserving ...